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The Salem Witch Trials: A Comprehensive Analysis from a Historian‘s Perspective

  • by history tools
  • May 26, 2024

Introduction

The Salem Witch Trials, which took place in colonial Massachusetts between 1692 and 1693, remain one of the most notorious and widely studied episodes of mass hysteria and injustice in American history. During this dark period, more than 200 people were accused of practicing witchcraft, leading to the executions of 20 individuals, mostly women, and the deaths of several others in prison. The trials have captured the imagination of scholars, writers, and the general public for centuries, and continue to serve as a cautionary tale about the dangers of fear, prejudice, and the failure of due process.

In this comprehensive analysis, we will explore the Salem Witch Trials from a historian‘s perspective, examining the religious, political, and social factors that contributed to the witch hunt hysteria, the key individuals involved in the trials, the legal proceedings and use of evidence, and the various theories and explanations for the events. We will also consider the immediate and long-term consequences of the trials and reflect on the lessons that can be learned from this tragic chapter in American history.

Historical Context

To understand the Salem Witch Trials, it is essential to situate them within the broader context of 17th-century New England. The Puritan settlers who founded the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1629 were deeply religious and believed in the existence of witches and their ability to cause harm through supernatural means. This belief was not unique to the colonies; witch hunts had been common in Europe for centuries, with an estimated 40,000 to 60,000 people executed for witchcraft between 1400 and 1700 (Levack, 2006).

The Puritans also faced numerous challenges and uncertainties in their new home, including harsh weather, disease, and conflicts with Native American tribes. These hardships, combined with a strict religious and social code, created a climate of fear and suspicion that made the community vulnerable to accusations of witchcraft.

Salem Village, where the trials began, was a small farming community of about 500 people, located approximately 10 miles north of the larger and more prosperous Salem Town. The village was marked by social divisions and tensions, particularly between the wealthy and influential Putnam family and the more marginal residents, such as the homeless beggar Sarah Good and the elderly Sarah Osborne.

Accusations and Trials

The Salem Witch Trials began in January 1692, when 9-year-old Elizabeth Parris and 11-year-old Abigail Williams, the daughter and niece of the village‘s minister, Samuel Parris, started experiencing fits, strange behaviors, and mysterious illnesses. As more young girls in the village began to exhibit similar symptoms, local magistrates John Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin were called in to investigate.

Under pressure from the magistrates, the afflicted girls accused three women of bewitching them: Tituba, a slave in the Parris household; Sarah Good, a homeless beggar; and Sarah Osborne, an elderly woman who had fallen into poverty. All three were arrested and interrogated, with Tituba being the only one to confess to witchcraft.

As news of the accusations spread, a wave of hysteria and suspicion engulfed Salem Village and the surrounding communities. Over the next several months, more than 200 people were accused of witchcraft, with many of them being brought before the magistrates for questioning and trial.

The legal proceedings relied heavily on "spectral evidence," which included testimony about dreams, visions, and the alleged presence of the accused‘s spirit in the form of an animal or other apparition. This type of evidence was controversial even at the time, with some ministers and officials, such as Cotton Mather and his father Increase Mather, questioning its validity and the fairness of the trials.

Despite these concerns, the trials proceeded swiftly, and by September 1692, 20 people had been executed, including Bridget Bishop, the first person to be hanged on June 10, 1692. Several others died in prison, including Sarah Osborne and Roger Toothaker, who were both in their 50s.

Theories and Explanations

Historians and scholars have proposed various theories and explanations for the Salem Witch Trials, seeking to understand the complex factors that contributed to the outbreak of accusations and the escalation of the trials.

One theory suggests that ergot poisoning may have played a role in the strange behaviors and illnesses exhibited by the afflicted girls. Ergot is a fungus that grows on rye and other grains, and can cause hallucinations, convulsions, and other neurological symptoms when ingested. Some researchers, such as Linnda Caporael (1976), have argued that the weather conditions in Salem Village in 1692 were conducive to the growth of ergot, and that the girls‘ symptoms were consistent with ergot poisoning.

However, other scholars have criticized this theory, noting that ergot poisoning does not fully explain the pattern of accusations and the legal proceedings that followed. Additionally, there is no direct evidence that ergot was present in the grain supply of Salem Village at the time of the trials (Spanos & Gottlieb, 1976).

Another explanation for the trials focuses on the psychological and social factors that may have contributed to the accusations and the spread of hysteria. Some scholars, such as Mary Beth Norton (2002), have argued that the trials were a manifestation of the deep-seated anxieties and tensions within the Puritan community, particularly around issues of gender, power, and social status.

Norton and others have also pointed to the role of adolescent girls in the accusations, suggesting that the trials may have been a way for these girls to assert their own agency and challenge the rigid social hierarchy of Puritan society. The afflicted girls, who were mostly from marginalized or lower-status families, may have found a sense of power and importance in their ability to accuse and testify against their neighbors and superiors.

Other historians have emphasized the political and legal factors that shaped the trials, such as the lack of clear guidelines for the use of spectral evidence and the pressure on the courts to convict and punish the accused. In his book "Salem Possessed," Paul Boyer (1974) argues that the trials were a product of the complex social and political dynamics of Salem Village, including the rivalry between the Putnam and Porter families and the tensions between the village and the larger town of Salem.

Aftermath and Legacy

The Salem Witch Trials came to an end in October 1692, when Governor William Phipps dissolved the special court that had been set up to hear the cases and halted the arrests and executions. This decision was influenced by a number of factors, including the growing skepticism of ministers and officials like Cotton Mather and Increase Mather, who had begun to question the validity of spectral evidence and the fairness of the proceedings.

In the years following the trials, many of those involved in the accusations and prosecutions publicly confessed their mistakes and expressed remorse for their actions. In 1697, the Massachusetts General Court declared a day of fasting and soul-searching to acknowledge the injustice of the trials, and in 1711, the legislature passed a bill restoring the rights of the accused and granting compensation to their heirs.

However, the legacy of the Salem Witch Trials has continued to haunt American history and culture. The trials have been the subject of numerous books, plays, films, and other works of art, and have often been used as a metaphor for the dangers of mass hysteria, prejudice, and the abuse of power.

One of the most famous literary works inspired by the trials is Arthur Miller‘s 1953 play "The Crucible," which uses the events in Salem as an allegory for the anti-communist "witch hunts" of the McCarthy era. The play has been widely performed and studied, and has helped to keep the memory of the trials alive for generations of Americans.

In recent years, scholars and activists have also drawn parallels between the Salem Witch Trials and contemporary issues of social and political justice, such as the mass incarceration of African Americans, the persecution of LGBTQ+ individuals, and the targeting of Muslim Americans in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. These comparisons serve as a reminder of the enduring relevance of the trials and the lessons that can be learned from this tragic chapter in American history.

The Salem Witch Trials remain one of the most complex and troubling episodes in American history, a case study in the dangers of fear, prejudice, and the failure of due process. By examining the trials from a historian‘s perspective, we can gain a deeper understanding of the religious, political, and social factors that contributed to the witch hunt hysteria, and the lasting impact of this event on American society and culture.

While the exact causes of the trials may never be fully understood, the various theories and explanations proposed by scholars offer valuable insights into the psychological, social, and legal dynamics that shaped the accusations and prosecutions. The trials also serve as a powerful reminder of the importance of critical thinking, evidence-based reasoning, and the protection of individual rights and freedoms, even in the face of social pressure and uncertainty.

As we reflect on the Salem Witch Trials more than three centuries later, it is essential to remember the lives that were lost and the families that were devastated by this tragic event. The memorial erected in Salem in 1992 stands as a tribute to the victims of the trials and a sobering reminder of the consequences of unchecked fear and intolerance.

By learning from the mistakes of the past and striving to create a more just and equitable society, we can honor the memory of those who suffered in Salem and work to prevent similar injustices from occurring in the future. The Salem Witch Trials may be a dark chapter in American history, but they also offer valuable lessons and insights that can guide us as we navigate the challenges and uncertainties of our own time.

Boyer, P., & Nissenbaum, S. (1974). Salem possessed: The social origins of witchcraft. Harvard University Press.

Caporael, L. R. (1976). Ergotism: The Satan loosed in Salem? Science, 192(4234), 21-26.

Levack, B. P. (2006). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Pearson Education.

Norton, M. B. (2002). In the devil‘s snare: The Salem witchcraft crisis of 1692. Alfred A. Knopf.

Spanos, N. P., & Gottlieb, J. (1976). Ergotism and the Salem witch trials. Science, 194(4272), 1390-1394.

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salem witchcraft trials essay

The Salem Witch Trials

Written by: malcolm gaskill, university of east anglia, by the end of this section, you will:.

  • Explain how and why environmental and other factors shaped the development and expansion of various British colonies that developed and expanded from 1607 to 1754

Suggested Sequencing

This Narrative should accompany the Anne Hutchinson and Religious Dissent Narrative to explore the topic of religious toleration in the New England colonies.

In January 1692, in the village of Salem, Massachusetts, the nine-year-old daughter and eleven-year-old niece of a contentious minister, Reverend Samuel Parris, began having strange fits and seeing apparitions of local women they said were witches. A doctor diagnosed bewitchment, which meant that others were to blame for the girls’ possession, to which Parris responded with prayer. When this failed, Parris pressured the girls to identify the suspected witches. Meanwhile, other girls in Puritan households had supposedly been afflicted. Soon, three women had been accused of witchcraft, including the slave Tituba, who had performed a counter magical spell by baking a witchcraft victim’s urine in a cake and feeding it to a dog. The three women were arrested and jailed. The accusations gathered momentum and a panic set in.

Villagers were emboldened to voice their own suspicions of other witches, which led to more arrests. The accused were brought to the public meetinghouses and urged to confess so they could be brought back into the Christian fold. Most people gave credence to “spectral evidence”, evidence based on visions and dreams, in which the afflicted claimed they could see invisible spirits flying around the room and causing them pain. Even a four-year-old girl, the daughter of one of the accused, Sarah Good, was imprisoned for witchcraft. Before long, the witch hunt had spread to several neighboring communities.

Some people doubted the wild accusations that were tearing apart the communities. For example, Reverend Cotton Mather, a Boston minister, believed in witchcraft but had initial doubts about the outbreak. He questioned the use of spectral evidence, because in English law it was grounds for suspicion but not proof. Mather offered to provide spiritual guidance to the afflicted and cure their ills through prayer and counseling. Unlike the case in most witch hunts, in this one, only those who refused to confess were hanged, for clinging obstinately to Satan.

In May, the governor of Massachusetts, William Phips, set up a special court to deal with the forty-odd people who had been charged. A wealthy merchant, Samuel Sewall, sat on the court, and Lieutenant Governor William Stoughton presided. Many of the accused were perceived to be outsiders in some way, tainted by association with Quakers, American Indians, and non-English European settlers. People living closer to the town were also more likely to be suspects, as kinship groups and sections of town accused other kinship groups and sections of town with whom they were at odds.

The court convened on June 2 for the first trials, and on the basis of unprovable charges and spectral evidence, Bridget Bishop was found guilty and hanged. One of the judges, Nathaniel Saltonstall, was so outraged by the proceedings that he immediately resigned. A few days later, several clergymen published a statement, “The Return of Several Ministers,” expressing their own dissatisfaction with the use of spectral evidence and asking for greater burdens of proof. Nevertheless, the trials continued despite the travesty of justice that was recognized at the time. The conviction rate was unusually high, mainly because more than fifty suspects confessed, presumably to evade the noose. Puritans saw in the large numbers only mass allegiance to Satan, which, in turn, led to more accusations. The psychological pressures were intense, and some confessed “witches” recanted, thus sealing their fates.

A photograph of a stamped wax seal of a coat of arms.

With the stamp of this seal, William Stoughton, the chief judge who presided over the Salem witch trials, sent Bridget Bishop to her death.

The court convened again in late June, with more than one hundred accused witches in jail. Five more were tried and executed, followed by another five in August, and eight in September, fourteen women and five men. Elizabeth Proctor was found guilty but received a reprieve because she was pregnant. Giles Corey, who refused to plead, was pressed to death beneath a growing blanket of stones; his wife Martha was hanged. The deaths caused profound unease, including among previously enthusiastic ministers and magistrates. Reverend Increase Mather delivered a sermon in which he asserted, “It were better that ten suspected witches should escape, than that one innocent person should be condemned.”

As in European witch trials (where an estimated sixty thousand accused witches were executed in the preceding centuries), the problem was using spectral evidence as proof, which, it was argued, may have been the Devil’s illusion to foment discord. Perhaps Satan’s goal had been not to recruit witches but to trick the court into executing the innocent. Particular weight had been placed on the girls’ testimony and on the confessions of the accused, both of which were unreliable. In late October, the Massachusetts Court called for a day of fasting and prayer for reflection on the hysteria. A few days later, Governor Phips met with Stoughton to decide the fate of the court and decided to halt the trials. The jailed were released.

A painting of a trial of a colonist accused of witchcraft, showing people who have fainted and others in seeming fits of hysteria.

In 1855, Thomkins H. Matteson painted Trial of George Jacobs, August 5, 1692. Jacobs was one of the colonists the court convicted of witchcraft and sentenced to death. How has Matteson conveyed the climate of hysteria that overtook the community of Salem and led to the witch trials?

Samuel Sewall, one of the judges, regretted the role he had played in the witchcraft trials and wondered whether the subsequent misfortunes of his own family, and of all New England, might be divine punishment for shedding innocent blood. In January 1697, he stood bare headed in church in Boston while the minister read the following apology:

Samuel Sewall, sensible of the reiterated strokes of God upon himself and family; and being sensible, that as to the guilt contracted upon the opening of the late commission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem (to which the order for this day relates) he is, upon many accounts, more concerned than any that he knows of, desires to take the blame and shame of it, asking pardon of men, and especially desiring prayers that God, who has an unlimited authority, would pardon that sin and all other his sins, personal and relative; and according to his infinite benignity, and sovereignty, not visit the sin of him, or of any other, upon himself or any of his, nor upon the land. But that He would powerfully defend him against all temptations to sin, for the future and vouchsafe him the efficacious, saving conduct of his word and spirit.

The jurors apologized later that same year. They admitted that, because they had not been “capable to understand nor able to withstand the mysterious delusions of the powers of darkness,” they were “sadly deluded and mistaken” in believing weak evidence and had caused the deaths of blameless people.

The factors that led to the 1692 Salem witchcraft outbreak were indeed complex. Much of the conflict fueling the trials originated in tensions between a traditional Puritan lifestyle based on piety and subsistence farming, and an increasingly worldly, capitalist outlook. Some Puritans complained of “declension” – a waning of godly ideals beginning in the 1630s, when Massachusetts Bay was settled. Friction between town and village had also developed over governance: Villagers resented paying taxes to maintain a distant town church and wanted independence.

The accusations may also have reflected tension between neighbors. Some scholars blame them on the fantasies and hysteria of children, and possibly even ergotism (a form of poisoning from a potentially hallucination-causing fungus that grows on rye) and an encephalitis epidemic. Gender also seemed to be significant: Were propertied women the victims of envious men? The Puritans believed witchcraft was God’s punishment for sin, either by allowing the Devil to convert so many witches or by turning fearful people against innocent neighbors. The Puritans believed in the existence of the Devil and his evil minions, who they thought could intervene in human affairs, tricking some into following them by practicing witchcraft.

The witchcraft outbreak was intensified across New England by political uncertainty during the years between the loss of the Massachusetts charter in 1684 and the granting of a new one by the English crown in 1691. The Glorious Revolution of 1689-1690 led to war with France, which, in turn, reignited war with American Indians in New England. These events all contributed to an atmosphere of profound insecurity and danger, spiritual and physical, though perhaps none really adequately explain the Salem witchcraft outbreak of 1692.

Review Questions

1. During the late seventeenth century and the events surrounding the Salem witch trials, what was considered “spectral evidence”?

  • Evidence compiled from witnesses not physically present at the crime
  • Evidence based on religious beliefs
  • Evidence based on visions and dreams
  • Evidence not accepted by court magistrates

2. How was the use of “spectral evidence” in trials of those accused as witches different in the New England colonies and in England?

  • In English law, spectral evidence was grounds for suspicion, not proof.
  • There was no difference in the use of spectral evidence.
  • Spectral evidence was not admissible in English courts.
  • The issue of spectral evidence never came up in England.

3. What was the fate of those who confessed to being witches in Salem Village?

  • They were immediately hanged on the grounds that there was no doubt as to their guilt.
  • Only those who refused to confess were hanged for clinging obstinately to Satan.
  • Men tended to be acquitted whether or not they confessed.
  • Regardless of whether they confessed, some were burned and some hanged.

4. Why was the conviction rate of accused witches in Salem so high?

  • People were not hanged if they confessed, so many confessed to save their own lives.
  • Many people genuinely believed they were witches.
  • Many people were actually engaging in various witch rituals.
  • Salem Village had an unusually large population.

5. What event launched the beginning of witchcraft accusations in Salem?

  • A slave woman named Tituba confessed to witchcraft.
  • Farm animals started disappearing.
  • A young girl began having strange fits.
  • A large comet appeared in the sky.

Free Response Questions

  • Analyze potential causes of the witch trials in Salem and the surrounding area of Massachusetts. Which is the best explanation? Justify your answer.
  • Explain why the accusations of witchcraft were acceptable to Puritans in seventeenth-century Massachusetts.

AP Practice Questions

“The humble petition of Mary Easty unto his excellencies Sir William Phipps to the honoured Judge and Bench now sitting In Judicature in Salem and the Reverend ministers humbly sheweth that whereas your poor and humble petitioner being condemned to die do humbly beg of you to take it into your judicious and pious. . . . I would humbly beg of you that your honors would be pleased to examine this afflicted persons strictly and keep them apart some time and like-wise to try some of these confessing witches. I being confident there is several of them has belied themselves and others as will appear if not in this world I am sure in the world to come whither I am now agoing and I question not but you’ll see an alteration of these things they say myself and others having made a league with the devil we cannot confess I know and the Lord knows as will shortly appear they belie me and so I question not but they do others the Lord above who is the searcher of all hearts knows that as I shall answer it at the tribunal seat that I know not the least thing of witchcraft therefore I cannot I dare not belie my own soul I beg your honers not to deny this my humble petition from a poor dying innocent person and I question not but the Lord will give a blessing to your endeavors.”

Petition of Mary Easty to the Court, 1692

1. The view expressed in the excerpt provided reflects the request made by Mary Easty to

  • consider that although she is innocent, most of the others accused were really witches
  • keep the accused and “confessing witches” apart
  • stop the trials altogether because they are morally and spiritually wrong
  • question the authority of the judges to pass sentence on so many people

2. Which of the following most likely led to the events described in the excerpt provided?

  • The introduction of Slave Codes in Massachusetts society
  • The strict nature of gender roles in the late seventeenth century
  • The English legal system
  • The strict religious practices in seventeenth-century colonial New England

Primary Sources

Cotton Mather’s Account of the Salem Witch Trials: https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-now/cotton-mather%E2%80%99s-account-salem-witch-trials-1693

Suggested Resources

Boyer, Paul, and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft . Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974.

Karlsen, Carol F. The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England . New York: Norton, 1998.

Norton, Mary Beth. In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 . New York: Knopf, 2002.

Ray, Benjamin C. Satan and Salem: The Witch-Hunt Crisis of 1692 . Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015.

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SALEM WITCHCRAFT TRIALS RESEARCH GUIDE

Explore digitized manuscripts and documents from the salem witch trials..

This research guide was rewritten and updated in 2024 by Dr. Tricia Peone, New England's Hidden Histories Project Director.

Witchcraft was a serious concern in early New England. Although understandings of the nature of witchcraft were in flux during this period, the law against witchcraft in Massachusetts, based on the Bible and English law, was clear: “If any man or woman be a witch (that is) hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death.” The first executions for witchcraft in New England were those of Alice Young (1647) in Connecticut and Margaret Jones (1648) in Massachusetts. Between 1647 and 1692, there were about 100 court cases related to witchcraft in New England with community outbreaks at Springfield, Massachusetts in 1651, Hartford, Connecticut in 1662, and Hampton, New Hampshire in 1680.

Puritan and nonconformist ministers wrote several influential treatises about witchcraft in the seventeenth century such as William Perkins, Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft (Cambridge, 1608), John Gaule, Select Cases of Conscience Touching Witches and Witchcraft (London, 1646), and Richard Baxter, The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits (London, 1691). In New England, the ministers Increase Mather, Cotton Mather, John Hale, and Samuel Willard also contributed to a transatlantic conversation about witchcraft and magic by publishing works on these subjects (see bibliography below).

Most ministers in New England believed that all magic was diabolical, and that witches received powers from the Devil to manipulate the weather, cause illness, destroy crops, and harm livestock. Witches made a covenant with the Devil that was similar to the covenant church members made, and deserved to be punished with death because, as William Perkins argued in his influential Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft , they were “enemies to god, and all true religion.” The threat of witchcraft was believed to be particularly menacing in New England due to the special mission of puritan colonists to create a godly society. In his discussion of the accused witches at Salem in Wonders of the Invisible World , Cotton Mather argued that “these Monsters have associated themselves to do no less a Thing than, To destroy the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, in these parts of the World.”

Yet records show that despite what ministers said, many New Englanders believed in forms of good magic as well as witchcraft. Good magic involved healing, fortune telling, love charms, and finding lost items. Court records demonstrate New Englanders’ interest in divination, magical remedies, reading books of magic and astrology, and using nails, salt, horseshoes, and plants to ward off witches and evil spirits.

The largest witch hunt in New England began in Salem Village (now Danvers) during the winter of 1692, in the household of Rev. Samuel Parris. In February, Elizabeth Parris and her cousin Abigail Williams were visited by a local doctor at Rev. Parris’ request after they began exhibiting unusual symptoms. The doctor determined that the affliction the two young girls were suffering from was not natural, and in response to this illness, the household prayed and fasted. Soon, two more children, Ann Putnam, Jr. and Elizabeth Hubbard, became similarly afflicted. Two other ministers visited the Parris household and concurred that the affliction was likely caused by Satan, and the afflicted girls described being attacked by witches. On February 29, three Salem Village men filed a complaint with the Salem Town magistrates against three local women for witchcraft: Tituba (who was enslaved by Rev. Parris), Sarah Good, and Sarah Osborne. The magistrates issued arrest warrants and came to the village to hold examinations in public in the meeting house, which began on March 1.

During the first months of the crisis, accusations spread quickly and many arrest warrants were issued. However, the magistrates could not hold any trials because the colony had no legal charter, so they held the accused in jail and collected evidence and witness statements against them. Throughout the crisis, there was uncertainty about what standards of evidence should be used to convict someone accused of witchcraft. In general, a confession was considered to be best, or if possible multiple witnesses to a diabolical act, whereas spectral evidence (testimony from a witness who encountered the spirit or specter of a witch) was controversial and its validity continued to be debated for decades after the trials. Ministers (including Increase and Cotton Mather) provided guidance and advice to magistrates and colonial officials; they also relied on the extensive available literature about witchcraft, including legal guidebooks that explained types of evidence used in witchcraft cases.

One minister was executed at Salem. In April 1692, Rev. George Burroughs was accused of witchcraft. Burroughs was a Harvard graduate who had served as the minister in Salem Village in the early 1680s before moving back to Maine. One of the afflicted testified that she had seen “the Apparition of a Minister'' who confessed to murdering and bewitching people and claimed to be a “conjurer.” In a sinister reversal of the minister’s role, he commanded her to sign her name in his book and give her soul to the Devil. His accusers identified him as the leader of all the witches in northern New England, and their testimonies detailed other mockeries of puritan faith such as holding a sabbath in Rev. Parris’ pasture, taking a sacrament of blood, and women (witches) as deacons. Burroughs was unable to convince the court or his fellow ministers that he was a minister of God and not of the Devil.

The new royal governor of the colony, William Phips, arrived in May and appointed a special court of Oyer and Terminer to try the accused. The first trial took place in Salem on June 2, 1692. Bridget Bishop was the first to be tried, convicted, and executed by the court. Further executions were held in July, August, and September. The trials continued until the court was disbanded in October. A new special court convened in early 1693 to deal with the people still held in jail, who were eventually released. Approximately two hundred people in Essex County and beyond were accused of witchcraft; fifty of them had confessed to covenanting with the Devil, and nineteen people who proclaimed their innocence were hanged. In total, 25 people were executed or died in jail during the trials.

About This Research Guide

In this research guide, you will find information about resources held at the Congregational Library & Archives and partner institutions related to the Salem witch trials.

The original manuscripts in the Salem Witchcraft Trials Records, 1692 collection were digitized as part of the New England’s Hidden Histories project and were held by our project partners, the Phillips Library at the Peabody Essex Museum . Further information about the collection can be found in the Phillips Library's finding aid . Many of the documents were previously digitized by the University of Virginia as part of their Salem Witch Trials Documentary Archive and Transcription Project , which began in 1999. In 2017, members of the CLA and Phillips Library staff found several documents in the Phillips Library’s collection which had not yet been digitized and were not available online. These documents were digitized as part of our New England's Hidden Histories project and may be accessed below or in our digital archive . In 2023, these records, which were on loan to the Phillips Library, were returned to the Judicial Archives at the Massachusetts State Archives where they are now permanently housed. Researchers wishing to see these materials in person should contact the Massachusetts Archives .

Below you will also find related materials included in the New England’s Hidden Histories digital archive. These include church records from communities involved in the trials, such as Danvers (formerly Salem Village), Salem, Marblehead, and Topsfield. Records from Boston’s Second Church where both Increase Mather and Cotton Mather served as ministers are also included. Materials in these collections have been digitized in partnership with the American Antiquarian Society , the Massachusetts Historical Society , the New England Historic Genealogical Society , and the Phillips Library at the Peabody Essex Museum and have been made available through our New England's Hidden Histories project.

This research guide also includes a bibliography with primary and secondary sources to provide further context about the Salem witch trials and links to other online projects and resources.

MATERIALS DIGITIZED BY NEHH

These documents are organized alphabetically by the last name of the accused, with families grouped together. Links to the digitized records are provided for each individual, as well as links to transcriptions of the documents, if available. All documents previously digitized by the University of Virginia’s Salem Witch Trials Documentary Archive and Transcription Project are indicated with an asterisk next to each individual’s name and can be accessed on their website .

BARKER FAMILY

Mary barker*.

Mary Barker of Andover was 13 years old in 1692, when she and other members of her family were accused of witchcraft by Samuel Martin and Moses Tyler of Boxford. Shortly after her arrest on August 29, 1692, Barker confessed to afflicting Martha Sprague, Rose Foster, and Abigail Martin by witchcraft, to attending a witch meeting, and to signing the Devil's book. She told the magistrates that she felt she was “lost to God and all good people.” Barker also accused her uncle, William Barker, Sr., and three women (Elizabeth Johnson, Sr., Abigail Faulkner, and Mary Marston) of being witches. She was eventually found not guilty and released.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 August 29

William Barker, Jr.*

14-year-old William Barker, Jr. from Andover was the first cousin of Mary Barker and was accused of afflicting the same people and arrested shortly after her. His father, William Barker Sr., was also arrested and confessed but later escaped. William Barker, Jr. confessed to signing the Devil’s book and to being baptized by the Devil at Five Mile Pond. He also accused Goody Parker, Elizabeth Johnson, Sr., and Samuel Wardwell and his wife and two daughters of witchcraft. He remained in prison until 1693 but was eventually acquitted.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 September 1

BRIDGES/POST FAMILY

Sarah bridges*.

Sarah Bridges of Andover initially maintained her innocence during her examination on August 25, 1692. She was arrested along with her four sisters and stepsisters (Mary Bridges, Susanna Post, Hannah Post, and Mary Post) for afflicting Martha Sprague and Rose Foster. Bridges and her sisters all eventually confessed when confronted with the evidence of their accusers. Bridges confessed that she had been baptized by the Devil, who told her his name was Jesus, and had agreed to serve him for four years. She had also attended a witch meeting in Andover with 200 witches present. She stated that she hurt the afflicted by “squeezing her hands & sticking pins in her clothes” which caused them pain. Bridges spent the next several months in jail until her trial in January 1693 when she was found not guilty by a jury.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 August 25

Hannah Post*

Hannah Post was examined the same day as her stepsister, Sarah Bridges, and confessed that the Devil had appeared to her as a pig, a cat, and a bird, and “promised her new Cloths if She would Serve & worship him.” She also confessed that she had been baptized by the Devil at Five Mile Pond with her sisters and attended the witch meeting in Andover. Post spent the next several months in jail until her trial in January 1693 when she was found not guilty by a jury.

CARRIER FAMILY

Andrew carrier*.

Andrew Carrier of Andover and his brother were accused of witchcraft after his mother, Martha Allen Carrier had been arrested for the same crime. Andrew was 16 years old at the time. He was examined on July 22, 1692 with his brother Richard, and both denied the accusations against them. According to the account of John Proctor who was imprisoned with them, Andrew and Richard were tied “neck and heels” before confessing. Andrew stated that he had signed the Devil’s book in Deacon Frye’s orchard and agreed to serve him for five years and in return the Devil would give him “a house and land in Andover.”

Document: Examination Date: 1692 July 22 Transcription: See Bernard Rosenthal (general editor), Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 479-82.

Richard Carrier*

Richard Carrier of Andover was 18 years old when he was accused of witchcraft and confessed along with his brother Andrew (see above). Richard confessed first, stating that he had signed the Devil’s book and was afflicting several people using witchcraft. He also said that since his mother had been in jail, he had been visited by her spirit in the “shape of a Catt.” Carrier confessed to attending a witch meeting in Salem Village where the Devil and two of his ministers (one was Rev. George Burroughs) told them that their “ingagement was to afflict persons & to over come the the Kingdome of Christ & set up the Divels Kingdome & we ware to have happy Days.”

Sarah Carrier*

Sarah Carrier was seven years old when she confessed that her mother, Martha Carrier, had made her a witch the previous year. Examined on August 10 and again the next day, she said her mother taught her how to use witchcraft and visited her from jail in the form of a black cat. Her two older brothers, Andrew and Richard (see above) had also confessed to witchcraft.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 September 2

Thomas Carrier, Jr.*

Thomas Carrier, Jr. was ten years old when he confessed similarly to his sister Sarah that his mother had “taught him Witchcraft.” Martha Carrier, the mother of Thomas, Sarah, Andrew, and Richard, was convicted of witchcraft despite protesting her innocence and executed on August 19, 1692.

Rebecca Eames

Rebecca Eames, of Boxford, was arrested in August and confessed during her examination to afflicting Mary Warren and Timothy Swan. Her 28-year-old son, Daniel Eames, had been accused and examined a few days earlier. Rebecaa Eames confessed that she had signed the Devil’s book and given her son Daniel to the Devil. At her second examination on August 31, she said that she had committed adultery and that sin allowed the Devil to gain control over her, eventually making her a witch. In September, she was convicted and sentenced to death, but remained in jail and later recanted her confession. The court disbanded in October, and she was not executed.

Document: Examination (2nd)  and Transcription Date: 1692 August 31 Document: Certification of Confession Date: 1692 September 15

FOSTER/LACEY FAMILY

Ann Foster, of Andover, was accused of witchcraft and confessed on July 15. She implicated Martha Carrier in her confession, and said the Devil had promised her “prosperity” in exchange for signing his book. She admitted to bewitching a hog and several children, and described attending a witch meeting led by Rev. George Burroughs. Foster’s daughter (Mary Foster Lacey) and granddaughter (Mary Lacey, Jr.) were also accused and gave evidence against her during a later examination on July 21. In September, she was convicted and sentenced to death. The court disbanded in October, and she was not executed, but she died in jail.

Document: Examination and Transcription Date: 1692 July 21

Mary Foster Lacey*

Mary Foster Lacey (also referred to as Mary Lacey, Sr.), daughter of Ann Foster, was accused of afflicting the Andover constable’s wife, Elizabeth Ballard. Mary Foster Lacey’s daughter, Mary Lacey, Jr., was also accused and arrested after both women were named by Elizabeth Ballard. During one of their examinations, Mary Lacey called out to Ann Foster, “Oh mother! We have left Christ and the Devil hath got hold of us.” In September, she was convicted and sentenced to death along with her mother. The court disbanded in October, and she was not executed.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 July 21 Document: Indictment Date: 1692 September 14

Mary Lacey, Jr.*

Mary Lacey, Jr. was accused of witchcraft, as were her mother and grandmother. She confessed to being a witch and said that the Devil “had put such thoughts in my mind as to not obey my parents.” In her confession, she implicated Martha Carrier and her sons Richard and Andrew Carrier, as well as her own mother and grandmother. She said that Martha Carrier told her that the Devil said Martha would be a “Queen in Hell” and Rev. Burroughs would be King. Mary Lacey, Jr. was released on bond in October and later found not guilty.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 July 21

Sarah Good was one of the first three women to be accused of witchcraft in Salem Village in February 1692, along with Tituba and Sarah Osborne. Sarah Good was the first person questioned in the meetinghouse on March 1. Prior to her trial, many people offered evidence against her. In this document, Samuel Sibley testified he was at Doctor Griggs' house when Elizabeth Hubbard told him that Good’s specter, or spirit, was standing before him naked. He claimed to have struck at her spirit with a staff to drive her off. Sarah Good’s daughter, Dorothy Good (often referred to as Dorcas), was also accused of witchcraft. The four-year-old child was examined by the magistrates and confessed, providing evidence against her mother. Pregnant while held in jail with Dorothy, Sarah Good gave birth to another daughter, Mercy, who died in jail. Sarah Good was convicted at her trial in June and executed on July 19, 1692.

Document: Testimony  and Transcription Date: 1692 June 29

Elizabeth Howe

Elizabeth Howe, of Ipswich, was arrested on charges of witchcraft and maintained her innocence. Testimonies against her revealed that her neighbors and brother-in-law had suspected her for years of causing illness and harming livestock through witchcraft. One witness alleged that Howe had been denied admission into the church in Ipswich due to her reputation. However, two ministers from the nearby church in Rowley testified on her behalf that she had not bewitched a young girl in Ipswich to death. Howe was indicted in June for afflicting two other people, Mary Wolcott and Mercy Lewis. Howe was convicted at her trial in June and executed on July 19, 1692.

Document: Indictment  and Transcription Date: 1692 June 29

JOHNSON FAMILY

Elizabeth johnson, jr..

Elizabeth Johnson, Jr. was 22 years old when she was accused and arrested in Andover. She confessed to signing the Devil’s book, being baptized, and attending a “mock sacrament” with the Devil, and she implicated Martha Carrier, Thomas Carrier, and Rev. George Burroughs, among others. A few weeks later, her mother, Elizabeth Johnson, Sr., 11-year-old sister Abigail Johnson, and 13-year-old brother Stephen Johnson were also arrested. Elizabeth Johnson, Jr. was tried by the new court in January 1693 and found guilty of covenanting with the Devil and practicing witchcraft, but later reprieved by Governor William Phips.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 August 10

Elizabeth Johnson, Sr.*

Arrested three weeks after her daughter, 51-year-old widow Elizabeth Johnson, Sr. of Andover confessed to signing the Devil’s book and attending a witch meeting. She testified that the Devil had promised her “glory & happiness & joy” if she served him for 30 years. She also implicated her sister, Abigail Faulker, but said she did not know that her children Abigail and Stephen were witches. Elizabeth Johnson was the daughter of Rev. Francis Dane, the minister in Andover.  Elizabeth Johnson was tried by the new court in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 August 30

Stephen Johnson*

Stephen Johnson was 13 years old when he was examined and confessed in early September 1692. He said that the Devil came to him in the shape of a speckled bird, a black cat, and a Black man and forced him to prick his finger and sign his name in blood in the Devil’s book. He also told the magistrates that he was sorry for what he had done, and wished to renounce the Devil. He was freed on recognizance along with his sister Abigail in October 1692.

Document: Examination  and Transcription Date: 1692 September 4

Mary Marston*

Mary Marston, of Andover, was accused and arrested in August 1692. She confessed that she had signed the Devil’s book, which she described as “a paper book without covers” and given her consent to allow the Devil to afflict people with her specter. Later in her examination, she revealed that she had first been enticed by the Devil three years ago, “about the time when her mother died and she was overcome with melancholy.” Mary Marston was tried by the new court in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Document: Examination and Transcription Date: 1692 August 29

Elizabeth Proctor

Elizabeth Proctor was accused in April 1692 of afflicting people in the Parris household and several others in Salem Village with witchcraft. Her husband, John Proctor, was also accused and arrested. Mary Warren, a servant in the Proctor household, had joined the growing number of afflicted in March, and in early April, Rev. Parris’ niece Abigail WIlliams said that she saw the specters of Elizabeth and John Proctor. Both Proctors maintained their innocence throughout their examinations. In August, 20 of the Proctor’s friends and neighbors signed a petition testifying that the Proctors were not guilty and had lived Christian lives. Both Elizabeth Proctor and John Proctor were found guilty by the court and sentenced to be executed. John Proctor was executed in August 1692, but Elizabeth received a stay of execution because she was pregnant, and was later released. In 1696, she petitioned the General Court to recover her husband’s estate. The documents are testimonies given about Elizabeth Proctor by Rev. Samuel Parris (who provided evidence of her witchcraft) and William Rayment (who reported hearing some of the afflicted joking about having Proctor hanged for witchcraft).

Document: Deposition of Samuel Parris and Transcription Date: 1692 April 11    Document: Testimony of William Rayment and Transcription Date: 1692 August 5

Mary Toothaker*

Mary Toothaker of Billerica was accused and arrested in May 1692, not long after her husband, Roger Toothaker, was arrested for witchcraft. At her examination in July, she confessed to covenanting with the Devil who had appeared to her like a “Tawny man” and promised to keep her “safe from the Indians” if she signed a piece of birch bark in blood. She also confessed to attending witch meetings, implicated her husband (who was known to use magical remedies), and said that he and their daughter read a book on astrology to divine the future. Roger Tookaker died in the Boston jail in June. Mary Toothaker was tried by the new court in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Document: Examination and Transcription Date: 1692 September 30

Johanna Tyler*

Johanna Tyler of Andover was accused of witchcraft along with her sister, Martha, and their mother, Mary Tyler, in September 1692. Johanna Tyler confessed to covenanting with the Devil and said that he promised that “he would let me have fine clothes & when he baptized me if he said I should be his for Ever & Ever.” She was tried by the new court in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Document: Examination and Transcription Date: 1692 September 16

WARDWELL/HAWKES FAMILY

Sarah wardwell*.

Sarah Wardwell of Andover was accused and arrested at the end of August 1692 along with her husband, Samuel, their daughter Mercy Wardwell, and Sarah’s daughter from her first marriage, Sarah Hawkes. Samuel Wardwell confessed first, admitting that he used to tell fortunes and that he had given himself to the Devil 20 years ago. He was tried, convicted, and executed in September 1692. Sarah Wardwell confessed to signing the Devil’s book and to being baptized by him, but said she was sorry for hurting people and “promises to renounce the Devil & all his works & Serve the true living God.” Sarah Wardwell was tried by the new court in January 1693 and found guilty but later reprieved by Governor William Phips.

Document: Examination and Transcription Date: 1692 September 1

Mercy Wardwell*

19-year-old Mercy Wardwell confessed in September 1692 that she had covenanted with the Devil and promised to serve him for 20 years after he appeared in the “shape of a dog & told her she must be his for he was God & Christ & she should want for no thing if she would serve him.” She was tried in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Sarah Hawks*

21-year-old Sarah Hawks confessed in September 1692 to covenanting with the Devil, being baptized by him at Five Mile Pond, attending a witch meeting, and practicing divination. She admitted to afflicting several people in Andover in the company of her mother, Sarah Wardwell, her stepfather, Samuel Wardwell, and her sister, Mercy Wardwell. She was tried in January 1693, found not guilty by a grand jury, and released.

Sarah Wildes*

Sarah Wildes of Topsfield was accused of witchcraft and examined in April 1692. She denied the accusations against her, but had previously been suspected of witchcraft by the family of her husband’s first wife. Her husband, John WIldes, and son, Ephraim Wildes (a constable in Topsfield), both gave testimony that she was innocent, but several others offered testimony of her guilt. In this document, Nathaniel Ingersoll testified that Mary Walcott, Mercy Lewis, Abigail Williams, and Ann Putnam, Jr. said they were afflicted and tortured by the specter of Sarah Wildes. Sarah Wildes was tried and convicted, and she was executed in Salem on July 19, 1692.

Document: Testimony of Nathaniel Ingersoll and Transcription Date: 1692 April 22

RELATED MATERIALS IN THE NEHH DIGITAL ARCHIVE

Boston, mass. second church (1650-1815).

The Second Church of Boston was gathered in 1649, the second Congregational church formed by English settlers in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. This church was also historically referred to as the Old North Meeting House. Ministers at the Second Church included several members of the Mather family: Increase Mather, Cotton Mather, and Samuel Mather. In 1714, members of the church left to form the New North Church. The meetinghouse of the Second Church was destroyed by the British during the Revolutionary War, which caused the congregation to merge with the New Brick Church. In 1970, the First and Second Churches of Boston merged, and today it is a Unitarian Universalist church.

Danvers, Mass. First Church (1689-1845)

The First Church of Danvers was founded in 1672 when a group of farmers who lived quite a distance from the Salem meetinghouse, of which they were members, petitioned for permission to erect a meetinghouse of their own. This collection contains the early records of the Danvers church, including records pertaining to membership, vital statistics, and church meetings. Of particular note are records pertaining to the confession and trial of Martha Corey (alternatively spelled Kory and Cory) in regards to the witchcraft controversy in Salem.

Green, Joseph. Diary (1700-1715)

Rev. Joseph Green (1674-1715) graduated from Harvard in 1695 and was ordained in 1698. He became minister of the Salem Village church, replacing the controversial Rev. Samuel Parris who had left in 1696. Green also presided over the congregation’s votes to rescind charges of witchcraft against those accused. The collection contains a diary kept by Green between 1700 and 1715.

Marblehead, Mass. Old North Church (1684-1886)

TRANSCRIPTION AVAILABLE

The First Church of Christ of Marblehead, Massachusetts, was established on August 13, 1684, and Rev. Samuel Cheever was ordained the first minister. The first meetinghouse was built atop Old Burial Hill in 1638, and the second meetinghouse was constructed in 1695. The third, and final, meetinghouse, built of stone, was constructed in 1824. Disagreements over the appointment of ministers led to the establishment of the Second Church in 1716 and the Third Church in 1858. Now known as the Old North Church, the church continues to serve the local community. This collection contains the earliest administrative and financial record books for the church.

Mather, Cotton. Diary and Personal Documents (1716)

Rev. Cotton Mather (1663-1728), was born on February 12, 1663 in the city of Boston. He graduated from Harvard in 1678 and was ordained May 13, 1684 at the Second Church in Boston, also known as "Old North" Church, where he served with his father, Increase (1639-1723). He was a prolific author, publishing some 280 distinct items. He endorsed inoculation as a means of preventing smallpox and was involved in the Salem witchcraft trials as both a prosecutor and an advisor. This collection includes a portion of Mather's diary entries from 1716, an essay for his son, Samuel, with advice on attending college, and a listing of marriages Mather performed, dated 1717.

Mather Family. Papers (1648-1651)

This collection comprises papers of the Mather family, beginning with the family patriarch, Rev. Richard Mather (1596-1669), the first to emigrate from England to North America. Materials include both records created by members of the family and associated materials formerly in their keeping.

Salem, Mass. First Church (1629-1843)

The First Church of Salem, Massachusetts, founded in 1629, was one of the first churches organized in New England. Salem's church was the first truly Congregational parish with governance by church members. The population of Salem grew rapidly during the eighteenth century, resulting in the peaceful division of the First Church's congregation to form the East Church in 1719. After Rev. Samuel Fisk was ousted from his ministerial role, Fisk led his supporters to form another First Church in 1735, which was compelled to change its name to the Third Church in 1762. The original First Church split again over ministerial preference in 1772, leading to the creation of the North Church of Salem. The First Church and North Church reunited in 1923, and the East Church reunited with the First Church in 1956. The reunited church continues to serve their community today as the First Church in Salem, Unitarian Universalist. This collection contains the earliest administrative records of the church, church correspondence, pew sale records, and a copy of the 1780 church covenant.

Topsfield, Mass. Congregational Church (1684-1869)

The Congregational Church in Topsfield, Massachusetts, was founded in 1663 under the ministry of the Rev. Thomas Gilbert. The earliest extant records of the church were kept by the Rev. Joseph Capen beginning in 1684. Congregants constructed a meetinghouse on Topsfield Common in 1703. New meetinghouses were constructed in 1759 and 1842. The church continues to serve their community today as the Congregational Church of Topsfield, a member of the United Church of Christ. The collection contains two bound volumes of church records. These include meeting minutes, membership records, and lists of baptisms, marriages, and deaths.

Turell, Ebenezer. Account of a Witchcraft Case (1728)

Rev. Ebenezer Turell (1701-1778) graduated from Harvard in 1721 and was subsequently ordained as the minister of the First Parish in Medford, Massachusetts, in 1724. He remained in Medford until his death. This collection contains Turell’s handwritten account and commentary on a witchcraft case at Littleton in 1720.

MORE RESOURCES FOR RESEARCHING THE SALEM WITCH TRIALS

Adams, Gretchen. The Specter of Salem: Remembering the Witch Trials in Nineteenth-Century America . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008.

Baker, Emerson. A Storm of Witchcraft: The Salem Trials and the American Experience . New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Boyer, Paul S, and Stephen Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974.

Demos, John. Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England . New York: Oxford University Press, 1982.

Games, Alison. Witchcraft in Early North America . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010.

Godbeer, Richard. The Devil's Dominion: Magic and Religion in Early New England . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Hall, David. Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England . Harvard, 1989.

Karlsen, Carol F. The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England . New York: Norton, 1998.

Morrison, Dane and Nancy L Schultz, eds. Salem: Place, Myth and Memory . Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2004.

Moyer, Paul. Detestable and Wicked Arts: New England and Witchcraft in the Early Modern Atlantic World . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020.

Norton, Mary Beth. In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 . New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002.

Ray, Benjamin C. Satan and Salem: The Witch-Hunt Crisis of 1692 . Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015.

Reis, Elizabeth. Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997.

Roach, Marilynne K. The Salem Witch Trials: A Day-by-Day Chronicle of a Community Under Siege . New York: Cooper Square Press, 2002.

Rosenthal, Bernard. Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692 . Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Upham, Charles Wentworth. Salem Witchcraft; with an Account of Salem Village and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects . Boston, 1867. 

Baxter, Richard. The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits Fully Evinced by Unquestionable Histories of Apparitions and Witchcrafts, Operations, Voices, &c. Proving the Immortality of Souls, the Malice and Miseries of the Devil and the Damned, and the Blessedness of the Justified . London, 1691.

Boyer, Paul S, and Stephen Nissenbaum. Salem-Village Witchcraft : A Documentary Record of Local Conflict in Colonial New England . New York: Da Capo Press, 1977.

Burr, George Lincoln. Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648-1706 . New York: Scribner, 1914.

Calef, Robert. More Wonders of the Invisible World, or, The Wonders of the Invisible World Displayed: In Five Parts: to Which Is Added a Postscript Relating to a Book Entitled, The Life of Sir William Phips . London, 1700.

Gaule, John. Select Cases of Conscience touching Witches and Witchcraft . London, 1646.

Hale, John. A Modest Enquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft, And How Persons Guilty of That Crime May Be Convicted: and the Means Used for Their Discovery Discussed, Both Negatively and Affirmatively, According to Scripture and Experience . Boston, 1702.

Hall, David. Witch-Hunting in Seventeenth-Century New England: A Documentary History, 1638-1693 . Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1991.

Lawson, Deodat. Christ's fidelity the only shield against Satans malignity, asserted in a sermon delivered at Salem-village, the 24th of March, 1692 : being lecture day there, and a time of publick examination of some suspected for witchcraft . Boston, 1704.

Mather, Cotton. Wonders of the Invisible World: Being an Account of the Tryals of Several Witches, Lately Executed in New-England . Boston, 1693.

Mather, Increase. Cases of Conscience Concerning Evil Spirits Personating Men, Witchcrafts, Infallible Proofs of Guilt in Such As Are Accused with That Crime; All Considered According to the Scriptures, History, Experience, and the Judgment of Many Learned Men . Boston, 1693.

Parris, Samuel. The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, 1689-1694 . Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1993.

Perkins, William. A discourse of the damned art of witchcraft so farre forth as it is reuealed in the Scriptures, and manifest by true experience . Cambridge, 1608.

Rosenthal, Bernard, (general editor). Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt . New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Willard, Samuel. Some Miscellany Observations on Our Present Debates Respecting Witchcraft: In a Dialogue Between S. & B. Philadelphia, 1692.

Salem Witchcraft Trials Records, 1692 at the Congregational Library & Archives

Salem Witch Trials Collection from the Peabody Essex Museum

The Salem Witch Trials Documentary Archive and Transcription Project

The Danvers Archival Center

The Cornell University Library Witchcraft Collection

Boston Public Library

Witch Trials Online Sites Tour

Cotton Mather Resources at the Congregational Library & Archives

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  1. Essay on The Salem Witch Trials

    The Salem witch trials of 1692 took place in Salem, Massachusetts. Overall, 141 people were arrested as 19 were hanged and one person crushed to death. Researchers describe the Salem witch trials as a series of court trials that were aimed at prosecuting persons who had been accused of witchcraft.

  2. Salem Witch Trials Essay Examples

    Salem Witch Trials Essay Topics and Outline Examples Essay Title 1: The Salem Witch Trials: An Examination of Mass Hysteria and Its Consequences. Thesis Statement: The Salem Witch Trials of 1692 were a tragic chapter in American history characterized by mass hysteria, social dynamics, and the persecution of innocent individuals, and this essay ...

  3. The Salem Witch Trials: A Comprehensive Analysis from a Historian's

    The Salem Witch Trials, which took place in colonial Massachusetts between 1692 and 1693, remain one of the most notorious and widely studied episodes of mass hysteria and injustice in American history. During this dark period, more than 200 people were accused of practicing witchcraft, leading to the executions of 20 individuals, mostly women ...

  4. The Salem Witch Trials: [Essay Example], 600 words

    The Salem Witch Trials were a dark period in American history, fueled by fear, superstition, and political motivations. The accusations of witchcraft that tore through the town of Salem were based on flimsy evidence and hearsay, resulting in the wrongful persecution of innocent individuals. One of the key factors that contributed to the hysteria was the deeply ingrained belief in the ...

  5. The Salem Witch Trials

    Salem Witch Trials are known as a series of trials where Puritan women were accused as witches, tried, and hung in the colony of Massachusetts. The Salem Witch Trials originated because of tensions between a traditional Puritan lifestyle and gender, a capitalist outlook hysteria of children, ergotism, and an encephalitis epidemic.

  6. Salem Witchcraft Trials Research Guide

    Explore digitized manuscripts and documents from the Salem witch trials. ... This collection comprises papers of the Mather family, beginning with the family patriarch, Rev. Richard Mather (1596-1669), the first to emigrate from England to North America. Materials include both records created by members of the family and associated materials ...

  7. An Invitation to Satan: Puritan Culture and the Salem Witch Trials

    Conference: Best Papers, Spring 2018 An Invitation to Satan: Puritan Culture and the Salem Witch Trials Alia Stone ... For in depth works on the Salem Witch Trials, see Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil's Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York: Knopf, 2002); Paul Boyer and Stephen

  8. PDF Conjuring History: the Many Interpretations of The Salem Witchcraft Trials

    The Salem Witchcraft Trials have cast a spell over historians and non-academics alike. This episode invokes images of religious bigotry, unbridled abuse of power, discrimination, and persecution as well ... Charles Upham's 1867 Salem Witchcraft also highlighted the class and political strife as well. Upham, a minister from Salem, dealt with ...

  9. The Salem Witchcraft Trials of 1692

    A collection of images, documents, essays, maps, links, games, and other information pertaining to the Salem Witch Trials of 1692. Essays, primary documents, biographical sketches, chronology, images, and other documents relating to the 1692 trials for witchcraft in Salem, Massachusetts. × Check-out the new Famous Trials ...

  10. Examination of the Records of the Salem Witch Trials

    2 Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, eds., The Salem Witchcraft Papers: Verbatim Transcripts of the Legal Documents of the Salem Witchcraft Outbreak of 1692, 3 vols. (New York, 1977). 3 Rosenthal et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, no. 875. All documents in the edition are numbered.